Samburu kinship (ntipat): Samburu are patrilineal, and
kinship terms reflect an emphasis on relationship within the father’s lineage. Mother’s kin are considered to be similar to what we think
of as ‘in-laws’. Terms for father’s kin can merge
with terms for father and mother. Kinship terms are
complicated by the fact that, when addressing someone, the speaker’s gender
is included in the term used. Thus, a woman addressing
her mother’s brother says, “Ng’apula!” while a man addressing
his mother’s brother says, “Apula!” Samburu
are also polygynous, and terms used to refer to brothers and sisters can
be general or more specific, to reflect that a sister or brother are of ‘one stomach’. Thus,
a brother and sister are generally referred to as lalashe
and nkanashe (masculine and feminine variants of the same
root for ‘sibling’). However, more specific terms
for brother of one mother are leyieyio (he of my mother) or lalashe ong’ar
(brother who shared the breast). More specific terms
for sister of one mother are neyieyio (she of my mother) or nkanashe ng’ar
(sister who shared the breast).
When a Samburu man is
preparing to marry, he often has a girl in mind. He
consults with his own father, mother, and other kin about the match and
about his wishes to marry. He must especially have
his father’s permission. Once he has his father’s
permission, he begins a negotiation process with his prospective wife’s family
that may take months. He must not only convince them
that he is a good choice and that his family is a good family for their
daughter to marry into, but he must negotiate the price of bridewealth as
well. In the 1990s, it was common to include cows,
goats, sheep, as well as money, cloth, beads for the prospective wife and
her family, hundreds of pounds of sugar, and several pounds of tea leaves. Depending upon the families being joined in the marriage,
the cash amount of the bridewealth could amount to fifty to one hundred
dollars (a decent sum for the Samburu), while the number of cows (the greatest
outlay) might be between five and eight. Once the
agreement has been made (with no consideration for whether the girl/woman
wishes to marry--she may not even have met her future husband), preparations
begin for the actual wedding. (Girls sometimes run
away to voice their disagreement with a choice of husband.
Girls invariably return--I don’t know how often a marriage is called
off through such actions.)
The wedding lasts three
days: On the first day, important kin and clan members
begin to arrive, last minute preparations are made, and typically there
are even last minute negotiations on the part of the bride’s family. On the second day, the preparations and negotiations continue,
and the groom brings the bridewealth animals near to, but not inside of,
the bride’s family’s settlement. That evening, elder
women and men instruct the bride and groom about how they should conduct
themselves in married life. Very early the next morning--at
approximately
After a lot of singing
and dancing by kin, fellow clan members, and friends, the husband and wife
will prepare to leave for the husband’s settlement. Male
elders will make a path for the couple, blessing them as they go on their
journey. A close friend of the husband, who has played
an important role throughout the ceremony, will accompany them. The husband’s home is usually a few hours away or more. Along the way, whether or not she is feeling well in her
post-surgery condition, the bride will complain. She
may take very small steps, and sometimes insist on being carried part of
the way. (At the wedding my husband and I filmed,
the bride and groom arrived before we did, so she could not have been stepping
too slowly!) Once at the groom’s home, the bride
will be shy about entering, and will only come through enticement as the
husband’s family (including other wives and their eldest
children if the bride is a second or third wife) offer her gifts--especially
livestock.
If the groom is young,
he and his wife will live in his parents’ settlement--the usual practice. Later though, when he is ready to make a settlement of
his own as his family matures and his father dies or is ready for him to
go, he will live wherever he chooses. Thus, a second
or third wife may never live with her husbands’ parents.
Occasionally, a man lives with his wife’s family instead of his own. This is not the common pattern though, and usually happens
because the wife’s family is wealthy and are in
a position to assist the couple as they build up a herd.
In Samburu society, livestock
and names are passed through the father. However,
women are given animals to care for and for their use, and they later give
these animals to their adult sons. In this way, the
animals pass “through” the women, and the women play a very important role
with the livestock even though the animals pass from father to son. As in many societies, the father’s side of the family
is an important source of assistance, and residence is usually with the father
and his brothers. Yet children have a special relationship
with the mother’s side of the family as well. In addition,
the Samburu belong to clans, and fellow clan members can be important sources
of support just as members of one’s ageset can be. Finally,
it is important to keep in mind the special relationship a man has with his
mother. Mothers and daughters continue to see one
another if possible and to assist one another. It
is the duty of a woman’s youngest son however, to take care of her in her
old age. Although a man’s eldest son is supposed to
cradle the head of his father as he dies, a woman’s youngest son will be
with her has she dies. It is also at death (with all
children gathered) that a mother and a father utter their most potent blessings--and
curses.
*This is a procedure
which has been deplored by many Euro-Americans for nearly a century--and
it remains a difficult topic which has recently been addressed more successfully
by focusing on health rather than condemning people’s cultures. It may be interesting to note that clitoridectomy was practiced
in the
